Jon Kyl has become the second ranking Republican Senator by dint of hard work, perseverance, and attention to detail – all admirable traits. He has never voted for an arms control treaty transmitted to the Senate by a Democratic President. The Obama administration has gone the extra mile – well, several extra miles, actually – to satisfy Senator Kyl’s concerns over New START. So far, Team Obama has been taken to the cleaners.

A friend of mine, who worked on nuclear issues during the Reagan administration, likes to say that, back in his day, those who tried to block and parry nuclear negotiations and treaties were “under adult supervision.” The naysayers were mere Assistant Secretaries or lower; enough of their superiors understood that proper deterrence required complementary reassurance to audiences at home and abroad. A world leader and a leader of alliances needs to be able to make nuclear arms reduction treaties happen.

Now the supervisors are retired, and the blockers have risen to become former-undersecretaries-in-waiting for even more exciting positions in the next Republican administration. The supervisors – former Secretaries of State and Defense, former national security advisers, Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs, and a host of ex-commanders of the U.S. nuclear deterrent – understand what’s at stake, and urge the Senate’s consent to ratify New START. Senator Richard Lugar gets it. The rest of his Republican colleagues do not appear to be eager for a vote, at least without Senator Kyl’s blessing. The prospective crop of presidential candidates have been Palinized, and what’s left of the moderate wing of the DC chapter of the Republican Party fears Tea Party challengers in primary elections. There aren’t many profiles in courage on the Republican side of the aisle besides Sen. Lugar at this point.

Way back when, Minority Leaders like Everett McKinley Dirksen didn’t contract out to his Deputy the chore of assessing a treaty, as Sen. Mitch McConnell has done. Dirksen led a Republican caucus of 33 Senators in 1963, some deeply skeptical of the Limited Test Ban Treaty. One of their number, Barry Goldwater from Arizona, appeared likely to become the Republican Party’s standard bearer against LBJ.

President Kennedy sought and received public letters of support for the LTBT from Presidents Truman and Eisenhower. The Joint Chiefs supported the Treaty with safeguards that were far, far less costly than the ones endorsed by the Obama administration. Dirksen, speaking extemporaneously to his colleagues during the Senate’s debate over the Treaty, said this: The “preponderant evidence” from the “most competent” scientific, military, and diplomatic leaders supported the Treaty, and that the Senate’s failure to consent to ratify would “place us in an awkward and difficult position with other nations.” Dirksen then went on to say:

I should not like to have on my tombstone: ‘He knew what happened at Hiroshima but he did not take a first step’… If there be risks, I am willing to assume them for my country.

The roll was called, and the LTBT passed by a vote of 80-19. Eleven negative votes were cast by Democrats (ten from the old South), along with eight Republicans. Back then, the Senate voted on treaties.